Mobility in São Paulo
2012

Blog posts on mobility in São Paulo for AUFI 2012 Moove.com
Local curators report on mobility-related projects and issues in their regions and collaborate with Audi Urban Future Award 2012 architects.

What Kind of City Do We Want?
10 July 2012

The traffic in São Paulo has worsened in recent years, as it has in most Brazilian cities, which swell with an increasing number of cars as the country’s economy grows, thanks, in part, to readily available credit and the enduring strength of the automobile industry, which is responsible for 5.2 percent of the nation’s gross domestic product. An inadequate road system, endless traffic jams, and low-quality and overcrowded public transport systems, are having a significant impact on citizens’ quality of life.

For Colombian economist Enrique Peñalosa, the great conflict of cities today is between cars and people. An influential figure on issues of mobility and urban transport in Latin America, Peñalosa was in Brazil in June, to speak at both Frontiers of Thought, an annual series of influential cultural conferences held in Porto Alegre, and, under the auspices of the same organization, a conference for students and professors at the Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism, University Mackenzie in São Paolo. At the university, he argued that the most important space on the planet, where we have the right to come and go, is the public space for pedestrians in cities. The most valuable resource in the city is the space allocated to roads. The question is, How should this space be distributed among pedestrians, cyclists, public transportation, and private cars?

For Peñalosa, it is urgent to reduce the use of cars and encourage the use of public transport, if cities like São Paulo are to become sustainable environments. He believes that public transportation should be designed and developed as an affordable and faster alternative to individual transport. As mayor of Bogotá from 1998 to 2001, he implemented a version of the busrapid transit systemthat was first developed in the Brazilian city of Curitiba in the 1970s and, today, can be found in many other cities worldwide. Bogotá is not considered a model, but has some interesting practices. For São Paulo, Peñalosa both rigorously defends the bus as a solution to mobility problems and supports initiatives to limit the number of cars on the streets, respect pedestrians and cyclists, and improve public spaces.

No time to waste: in search of a sustainable urban mobility plan
24 oct 2012

São Paulo is living under a doomsday scenario: Currently, 33 percent of Paulistano commuters spend three hours per day in traffic, and 19 percent spend more than four hours. With a population of 11.25 million people and a total of more than seven million vehicles on the roads, the situation is of epic proportions. Traffic jams, chronic air pollution, and traffic-related casualties are part of daily life in Brazil's largest city. Between 2001 and 2011, São Paulo gained more 3.4 million vehicles. While the city’s population grew 7.9 percent during that period, the number of vehicles increased 68.2 percent, according to Observatório das Metrópoles.

According to a survey jointly produced by nongovernmental organization Rede Nossa São Paulo and the Instituto Brasileiro De Geografia E Estatistica and presented during Mobility Week (September 16 to 22, 2012), 80 percent of Paulistanos consider traffic conditions to be poor or terrible, while 65 percent say that they would leave their car at home if they had transportation alternatives. The survey also shows that, of the goals set by the current municipal executive for public transportation, none of the sixty-six kilometers of dedicated bus lanes planned for the city has progressed beyond the call for bids stage, and twenty-eight of the thirty-eight kilometers slated for renovation have not progressed beyond the call for bids stage, among other shortcomings. While the metro, at 74.2 kilometers distributed over five lines in a territory of 1,523 square kilometers, grows at a slow and insufficient pace, expansion of the car fleet is accelerated by the national economic stimulus policy through tax cuts to the auto industry, increase in household income (especially among the middle class), and easier credit access.

This situation is the result of both a history of public policies directed toward private transportation and a lack of integrated urban mobility planning, as well as insufficient investment in public and nonmotorized transportation and infrastructure. Despite it being required by federal law since 2001 and by the City Development Plan since 2002, the municipality of São Paulo does not have an urban mobility plan. As pointed out in a recent manifesto presented by nongovernmental organizations to the municipal legislative assembly during a Mobility Week event: São Paulo needs transparency. And a first step is the participatory and democratic development of a municipal urban mobility plan—for the short, medium, and long term—coordinated with environmentally responsible land-use planning that’s compatible with municipal, state, and national legislation directives. Paulistanos need to develop a more strategic governance model, gathering public and private actors, to effectively intervene in the mobility infrastructure of the biggest metropolis in South America one that is also part of the seventh largest economy in the world. In October 2012, municipal elections will take place in Brazil against the backdrop of weak political debate, a mobility crisis in many cities, and deep socioeconomic changes. The city of São Paulo is in the second round of a mayoral election between two candidates (Jose Serra of the Social Democratic Party, an associate of the current mayor, and Fernando Haddad of the governing Workers’ Party), and it faces an interesting moment: Will voters maintain the status quo, or will they sense the urgency to actively collaborate with the government and encourage it to make strides toward a more sustainable city?

Thirty years toward an unsustainable city
31 oct 2012

In this excerpt from his paper “Urban Change, Mobility and Transport in São Paulo: Three Decades, Three Cities,” mobility specialist Eduardo Alcantara de Vasconcellos studies São Paulo between the years 1967 and 1997. Vasconcellos defines three different cities: from 1967–1977, the “motorization” of society and expansion of space for circulation; from 1977–1987, physical rearrangement of activities and “auto-motorization” (generating a “middle class city”); and from 1987–1997, road saturation and public transport degradation (starting to challenge the automobile supporting-model, parallel to the increasing use of motorcycles). During this thirty-year period, conditions conspired to create the unsustainable status of immobility that currently ails the metropolis and its inhabitants. The author “analyses how changes in urban structure, the job market, and economic and social conditions interacted with the transport and traffic systems and so produced new ways of living and using the city.” He concludes:

“Three different cities may be defined in these three decades [1967-1997]. Transport progressively changed toward a motorized system, first with the intense use of buses and finally with the great increase in the use of automobiles. Individual motorized mobility, after increasing 50 percent in the 1967–1977 decade, experienced decreases, although social mobility—including trips indirectly linked to people’s needs, such as those provided by delivery services—may not have decreased. Female mobility progressively approached that of males, although remaining lower. High mobility differences among income strata—typical of developing countries with high social and economic disparities—remained, confirming the income-mobility paradigm. Public transport services experienced severe supply and quality problems, which coupled with increasing fares and decreasing incomes for the poorer led to the exclusion of a large number of users. Negative externalities related to the increasing use of the automobile, such as traffic accidents, congestion and pollution—skyrocketed, threatening the sustainability of the metropolis. All such consequences were propelled by the lack of coordination among urban, transport, and traffic policies, the abandoning of public transport, and the political, ideological, and economic support given by transport and traffic authorities for automobile use. Such consequences may also be found in other large cities in Brazil (Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte) and in other cities of the developing world, such as Bangkok, Mexico, Seoul, Caracas and Buenos Aires."

“One may say that current conditions and trends also threaten the minimum equity requirements that sustain cohesion within society. While the poor face a clear limitation in their mobility—the social and economic barrier—the middle classes face a physical barrier caused by increasing congestion. The elite and the middle classes remain prisoners to their concept of life—clearly expressed in the growth of isolated, high-quality residential clusters— while the poor and captive users of public transport struggle to survive. Although most appear unsatisfied and it is clear that the current transport model is unsustainable from any standpoint, no real political agreement has emerged so far to change it. It also appears, unfortunately, that even harsher negative consequences will have to be faced until a new vision of the problem is developed and new, equitable, and sustainable proposals are made.”

Excerpted from “Urban Change, Mobility and Transport in São Paulo: Three decades, Three Cities,” with permission of the author and the publisher: Eduardo Alcantara de Vasconcellos, mobility specialist from Associação Nacional de Transportes Publicos (ANTP), São Paulo, Brazil. Paper published In Transport Policy 12 (2005) 91–104, www.elsevier.com/locate/tranpol.

Space, time, and trajectories
December 3, 2012

Companhia de Engenharia de Trafego (CET), or the Company of Traffic Engineering, monitors traffic flow from its command center in São Paulo. CET’s priority is to facilitate the smooth flow of traffic in the sprawling metropolis, which, in practice, means supporting vehicular traffic in a city that still prioritizes the use of individual automobiles.

A room full of television screens, telephones, computers, and other electronic gadgets is used to monitor real-time traffic flows in the metropolis. A total of 868 kilometers of streets and avenues, which comprise some seventeen thousand kilometers of individual lanes, are monitored by a combination of cameras and people.

According to CET, its daily work is currently performed by 2.400 traffic agents, known as marronzinhos. Thirty of those agents, known as Ponto Avançado de Campo, or PACs, are equipped with binoculars, a special radio, chronometer, and sheet notes; stationed high atop buildings in strategic locations, they are constantly sending information to the traffic command center. In addition to a fleet of 1,084 CET vehicles traveling the streets, there are also 350 monitoring cameras and 582 controlling radars in a city with more than seven million vehicles and more than eleven million inhabitants.

Sociologist Bruno Latour in his 1998 book Paris, Ville Invisible introduces two different modes of “visualization” of the city of Paris: the panopticon and the oligopticon. The former is related to the conception of panorama, totalizing surveillance and paranoia. In contrast, the latter, the oligopticon, “is not what sees everything, but what sees a little bit,” he writes; it follows the threads, a series of connections.
Latour is interested in types of connections, in trajectories of human and nonhuman actors in space and time, and not in total visibility. Dichotomies like local and global, close and far, small and large are replaced by types and numbers of connections—“distributing the local, localizing the global.” In
this sense, CET’s traffic-flow command center is not a “big room” but a local room. The multiplicity of “oligopticons” in our everyday experience tells us that São Paulo is made of visible and invisible cities.

Thanks to CET for hosting my visit to the traffic command center on August 6, 2012, in the context of the Audi Urban Future Award 2012.



Dancing in the city
December 17, 2012

Every Sunday, teenagers from many groups and neighborhoods gather at the Centro Cultural São Paulo (CCSP) to dance, sharing the complex with a very heterogeneous public. Korean music and hip-hop are among the musts of the moment.

The Centro Cultural São Paulo is located on the border between the Paraíso (“Paradise”) and Liberdade (“Freedom”) neighborhoods and connected to the Vergueiro Metro station. The origins of the sloped site alongside 23 de Maio Avenue, São Paulo’s main north-south axis, date back to the 1970s, during Brazil’s military dictatorship period. A leftover parcel created by the construction of two systems of mobility, the city's Metro and express highway, it had been slated for large-scale commercial development, but the new mayor at the time, Olavo Setubal, decided to focus the city’s commercial development in the Paulista Avenue area and dedicate the Paraíso-Liberdade site to cultural programming.

The Centro Cultural São Paulo is located on the border between the Paraíso (“Paradise”) and Liberdade (“Freedom”) neighborhoods and connected to the Vergueiro Metro station. The origins of the sloped site alongside 23 de Maio Avenue, São Paulo’s main north-south axis, date back to the 1970s, during Brazil’s military dictatorship period. A leftover parcel created by the construction of two systems of mobility, the city's Metro and express highway, it had been slated for large-scale commercial development, but the new mayor at the time, Olavo Setubal, decided to focus the city’s commercial development in the Paulista Avenue area and dedicate the Paraíso-Liberdade site to cultural programming.

Designed by architects Eurico Prado Lopes and Luiz Telles in 1982, the 46,500-square-meter CCSP celebrated its thirtieth anniversary in 2012. Its multiple uses include a public library, theater, cinema, spaces for performances and workshops, classrooms, visual-arts galleries, garden, and restaurant. There are common areas to rest, study, talk, sleep, relax, see friends, sit quietly, play chess, listen to music, watch films, attend theatrical performances, draw, read, and dance. As Christoph Grafe and Andre Leirner argue in “Public Landscapes,” a 2001 article about the CCSP in OASE #57, “The concept of a public building as a series of interconnected surfaces and the open but highly differentiated plan and section of the Centro Cultural continue to offer very new and never exhausted possibilities for inhabitation and use which the citizens of São Paulo have learned to accept.”

In a city currently dominated by consumer culture and shopping malls, the Centro Cultural São Paulo is one of the few truly democratic public spaces.



interview
Lincoln Paiva
Toward a green mobility
December 7, 2012

Lincoln Paiva is founder and president of Green Mobility, a consulting company specializing in the development of mechanisms to improve the mobility of companies and governments aiming to operate as more sustainable entities, and Instituto Mobilidade Verde, a nongovernmental
organization specializing in sustainable urban mobility. He is a member of several organizations, including the Partnership on Sustainable Low Carbon Transport (SLoCaT), UN-HABITAT’s Urban Gateway, Clean Air Initiative for Asian Cities (CAI-ASIA), and Cities-for-Mobility. Paiva also serves on the board of environment and transport at Brazil's National Association of Public Transport (ANTP). In November, in São Paulo, he spoke with Ligia Nobre about public policy and private sector initiatives needed to move toward socially equitable and environmentally sustainable urban mobility.

Ligia Nobre: What is green mobility?

Lincoln Paiva: Green Mobility, from a "means of transportation" point of view, maybe understood as cleaner and more efficient vehicles. From a broader point of view, green mobility is a set of indicators involving planning, energy grid, technology, traffic control, infrastructure, and transportation systems providing a better quality of life for people and causing less economic, social, and environmental impact. Green mobility is not a goal in itself. The modern urban way of thinking conceives mobility as a means to provide urban and social development to the population in an ecological way or, in other words, with as little environmental impact as possible. We cannot think of sustainable urban mobility only as the transportation systems (transporting people) and energy. The purpose of sustainable urban mobility is to provide local development.

Your company, Green Mobility, is meant to play a key role in promoting strategies and projects for sustainable urban mobility that combine both private and public initiatives. How does this work in Brazil? In particular, how does Green Mobility operate?

Paiva: We have been advising Brazilian cities to develop a more sustainable transportation policy and culture. The major challenge has been breaking paradigms about the low, medium, and high capacity transport systems, emphasizing the importance of creating a high-capacity network and not only systems. The cities have been implementing the wrong options, by taking only under consideration the data concerning passenger demand and neglecting socioeconomic issues, therefore leaving thousands of low-income people out of the transport system because of the tariff fees.

You did research on workers' modes of dislocation in part of São Paulo's service industries. Please describe your research and the specific actions that are being taken by the companies and their workers.

Paiva: The companies are still not willing to invest their money before they have a positive signal from the cities. Regarding projects involving the private sector, it will be important for cities to develop public policies that favor private investments. For instance, for a company to encourage people to go to work by bicycle, the city has to invest in infrastructure such as bicycle parking areas, bicycle paths, and security and also offer benefits so that the workers feel comfortable with the idea of pedaling a bike, exercising, and having a more positive attitude toward using the car less often.

In São Paulo, what types of operational and structural measures, in terms of sustainable urban mobility, are possible in the short and long term?

Paiva: The first thing to do would be to develop a municipal urban mobility plan, based on a more sustainable transport policy with short-, medium-, and long-term visions. Without it, it's virtually impossible to determine an emergency action plan. If you don't know where you are going to, all paths are alike.

Another of São Paulo's current challenges is the disarticulation between the pattern of land use and mobility, as for example the fast-paced construction of high-rise buildings and other large-scale developments. What are the socioterritorial and environmental consequences for the city and its inhabitants?

Paiva: I recently took part in a debate with [staff members of] São Paulo's municipal urban planning company. According to them, São Paulo is not among the most vertically dense cities in the world. I don't agree with the high-density proposals by urban planners, or in other words, the concept of
Compact City, which is widely discussed in cities. In developing countries, this has caused islands of poverty and underdevelopment, because urban transport and work aren't dealt with as part of urban and social development, [which] will have to be [done as] part of a project involving several state-level departments. And that kind of cooperation is nonexistent in Brazil.

The World Cup in 2014 and the Olympics in 2016 could be remarkable opportunities to set up new paradigms for sustainable cities in Brazil. How are mobility issues being handled in the cities involved? Are there areas for innovation?

Paiva: There's no innovation as far as I know. Unfortunately, the Brazilian cities will miss out on those excellent opportunities. What we nowadays foresee in terms of transport projects has to do with the implementation of Bus Rapid Transit. But, I insist, that one transport system is not going to solve the problems of Brazilian cities. Public officials do not understand that these two events can attract tourists, resources, companies, investment, and development. Their vision is focused on transporting people. I liked the idea of building the soccer stadium in the eastern zone [of São Paulo], but I haven't seen any project for local development or for the city's transport system. The subway is already there, with capacity for sixty thousand people per hour each way. Aside from the money to build the stadium, there will be no other investment in the transport system.

How can Brazilians improve their quality of life and make healthier cities?

Paiva: São Paulo has got a minority of upper-middle-class and better-educated people, especially youngsters between nineteen and twenty-five years of age, who understand that, in order to improve quality of life, it will be necessary to change the lifestyle that is deeply influenced by North-American consumerism, especially the car as a status symbol. With the improvement of the economy and encouragement from the federal government, a considerable part of the population can afford to buy a car. It's not fair that people have to give up on an asset that was widely promised as a symbol of
achievement and status and go back to riding a bus or walking. So, as I see it, the wealthiest population in the city will have to give up driving their cars, because 80 percent of the drivers live less than ten kilometers away from work. However, the city must rethink its mobility strategy, by providing different means of transportation for short distances that can be used instead of the car.

Alternative types of transportation are practically nonexistent in São Paulo.
How do you see the relationship between the automobile industry and urban planning and architecture?

Paiva: The automobile industry's vision of the city's future is a false promise in terms of urban planning. It's technological cities like in The Jetsons cartoon: The car talks to the driver, appears to be people's best friend, solves all the daily problems, moving around among glass-enclosed buildings and empty streets. We aren't searching only for more security, technology, or better energy efficiency. The industry will have to accept that its purpose is not only transporting people in a more efficient and environmentally sustainable way, but to offer solutions for the accumulation of cars in the streets, which makes driving itself difficult, slows cities' development capacity, and impairs quality of life. No one wants to slow down car sales, but, in the future, not everybody will own a car and not everybody will be able to drive their car at the same time. The industry needs to understand its responsibility to introduce private transportation as one of the solutions for the implementation of a network of transportation systems in a city. Automobile manufacturers are wasting their time and sources thinking in terms of imaginary cities that will never become real. It is necessary to rethink the current model of individual transportation.

How is climate change influencing public policies and private-sector initiatives in Brazil in terms of urban mobility? What are the main differences compared to other countries?

Paiva: Brazil could be a leader in this area due to its low rank in the list of countries with the highest motorization rates. In order to reach for that [goal], it is necessary to foster the development of new technologies that would enable a more comprehensive understanding of the public transportation systems and to create new systems oriented toward our own reality.

Lincoln Paiva is founder and president of Green Mobility.

Diagram - Courtesy of Lincoln Paiva

entrevista
Lincoln Paiva
Mobilidade Verde
04 Outubro 2012

Lincoln Paiva
Presidente da Green Mobility e do Instituto Mobilidade verde, uma ONG sem fins lucrativos especializado em Mobilidade Urbana Sustentável, é membro da SLOCAT ( Sustainable Low Carbon Transport) coordenado pela ONU-DESA, Membro da Urban Gateway , comunidade de especialistas em desenvolvimento Urbano, coordenado pela ONU –HABITAT, membro da CAI-ASIA ( Clean Air Initiative), Membro da Cities-for-Mobility, coordenado pela cidade de Stuttgart, especialista em mobilidade Urbana para países em desenvolvimento pela UNITAR. Membro com comitê de meio ambiente e Transportes da ANTP ( Associação Nacional de Transportes Públicos). Liderou diversas missões técnicas de Mobilidade e Desenvolvimento Urbano em países europeus, Asiáticos e americanos.

Ligia Nobre: O que é mobilidade verde?

Mobilidade Verde, sob o ponto de visto de "modos de transporte", pode ser entendido como veículos mais eficientes e limpos. De forma mais ampla , mobilidade verde é um conjunto de indicadores que envolve o planejamento, matriz energética, tecnologia, controles de tráfego, infraestrutura e sistemas de transportes que proporcionam maior qualidade de vida para as pessoas com menor impacto econômico, social e ambiental.
A Mobilidade Verde não é um fim em si mesma. O pensamento urbano moderno coloca a mobilidade como um meio para levar o desenvolvimento urbano e social de forma ecológica para a população, ou seja, com menor impacto ambiental possível.
Não se pode pensar em Mobilidade Urbana Sustentável apenas pelo viés dos sistemas de transportes (transportar pessoas) e energia, a função da mobilidade urbana sustentável é o desenvolvimento local.

A Green Mobility propõe-se um papel chave e desafiador de promover estratégias e projetos de mobilidade urbana sustentável que unam as iniciativas privada e pública. Como essas articulações tem acontecido na prática no Brasil? Particularmente, como operam a Green Mobility e as redes em que o senhor atua diretamente?

Estamos assessorando as cidades brasileiras para uma cultura de transportes mais sustentáveis, o desafio tem sido quebrar os paradigmas sobre os sistemas de Transportes de pequena, média e alta-capacidade e acentuando a importância da criação de uma rede de alta capacidade e não apenas sistemas. As cidades tem realizado opções equivocadas, tendo como balizador apenas dados sobre a demanda de passageiros sem se preocupar com os aspectos socio-econômicos, o que deixam milhares de pessoas de baixa renda fora do sistema de transporte em função do custo da tarifa.

A Green Mobility realizou uma pesquisa junto a empresas de serviços em São Paulo sobre os modos de deslocamento dos trabalhadores. O senhor poderia nos contar mais sobre esta pesquisa e quais ações concretas estão sendo tomadas pelas empresas e seus trabalhadores?

As empresas ainda não estão dispostas a investirem recursos financeiros sem a sinalização positiva das cidades. Para os projetos envolvendo o setor privado (empresas), será importante que as cidades desenvolvam políticas públicas que favoreçam investimentos privados. Por exemplo, para uma empresa incentivar as pessoas irem trabalhar de bicicleta é preciso que a cidade invista em infraestrutura tais como estacionamentos de bicicletas, ciclovias e segurança e oferecer benefícios para que os trabalhadores se sintam favoráveis a idéia de pedalar, fazer exercício e ter uma atitude mais positiva em relação ao uso do carro.

São Paulo tem um desafio metropolitano de articular os grandes fluxos metropolitanos e as micro-acessibilidades. Quais medidas operacionais e estruturais em termos de mobilidade urbana sustentável poderiam ser promovidas a curto e longo prazo?

A primeira medida seria desenvolver um plano municipal de Mobilidade Urbana, tendo como norteador políticas de transportes mais sustentáveis com visão de curto, médio e longo prazo, sem isso fica praticamente impossível determinar um plano de ação de urgência, se você não sabe para onde vai, qualquer caminho serve...

Outro desafio em curso em São Paulo é a desarticulação entre uso do solo e mobilidade, a exemplo da verticalização acelerada e dos grandes empreendimentos. Quais são as consequências socioterritoriais e ambientais para a cidade e seus habitantes? Quais são as principais características da atual legislação, e como podem ser revistas?

Participei de um debate recentemente com a empresa de planejamento urbano de São Paulo, de acordo com eles São Paulo não está entre as cidades mais verticalizadas do mundo, embora 73% da cidade esteja impermeabilizada. Eu não concordo muito com os adensamentos que são propostos pelos urbanistas, ou seja o conceito de Cidade Compacta amplamente discutida nas cidades. Nos países em desenvolvimento. Isso tem formado ilhas de pobreza e subdesenvolvimento, pois o transporte urbano e o trabalho não estão sendo trabalhados no âmbito do desenvolvimento urbano e social. Tudo isso vai ser um processo que precisa ser realizado em conjunto com diversas secretarias de governo e essa cooperação é inexistente no Brasil e também não é incentivada pelo Prefeito.

A Copa do Mundo (2014) e as Olimpíadas (2016) são oportunidades singulares que poderiam estruturar novos paradigmas e referencias de cidades mais sustentáveis. Como estão sendo encaminhados os problemas de mobilidade nas cidades brasileiras envolvidas? Que legado deixaremos para as próximas gerações? O senhor destacaria algum caso relevante inovador?

Inovadoras não tem ou não conheço, infelizmente as cidades brasileiras irão perder essa excelente oportunidade. O que se tem previsto hoje em relação a projetos de transportes, estão voltados para a implantação de sistemas de BRT ( Bus Rapid Transit), mas insisto, apenas um sistema de transporte não vai resolver os problemas das cidades brasileiras. Os gestores públicos não entenderam que estes eventos podem atrair turistas, recursos, empresas, investimentos e desenvolvimento. Eles entendem que Copa do Mundo e as Olimpíadas são eventos semelhantes ao Carnaval, Formula 1 etc... a visão está focada sob o ponto de vista de transportar pessoas... Achei bom que o Estádio esteja sendo construído na Zona Leste, mas não estou vendo nenhum projeto de desenvolvimento local e em relação ao sistema de transporte transporte da cidade. O Metrô já está lá com capacidade de levar 60.000 pessoas hora sentido.... ou seja, fora recursos para construção do estádio não haverá nenhum outro investimento para o sistema de transportes.

Nas transformações potentes na escala dos indivíduos, como os habitantes das grandes cidades brasileiras tem (re)agido para melhorar sua qualidade de vida em cidades mais saudáveis?

São Paulo tem um minoria de pessoas da classe média alta e mais esclarecida, sobretudo os mais jovens entre 19 a 25 anos que já entenderam que para melhorar a qualidade de vida, será necessário mudar o estilo de vida que é fortemente influenciado pelo estilo de vida norte-americano, ou seja no consumo e no carro como símbolo de status. Com o melhora da economia, e incentivo do governo federal, uma parte considerável da população possui recursos para comprar um automóvel, não é justo que estas pessoas tenham que abrir mão de um bem, amplamente prometido como símbolo de conquista e status e voltar a andar de ônibus ou a pé, mesmo porque a maioria delas estão em distâncias superiores a 10Km. Então eu vejo que será a população mais rica da cidade que deverá abrir mão de circular com seus carros, mesmo porque 80% dos motoristas moram em distâncias de até 10k do trabalho, no entanto, a cidade deverá repensar sua estratégia de Mobilidade, oferencendo opções de modais para distâncias curtas, que possam ser alternativas para o uso do automóvel, praticamente inexistente na cidade de São Paulo.

Como o senhor enxerga as relações entre a indústria automobilística e o urbanismo e arquitetura?

A visão de futuro das cidades pela indústria automotiva é uma falsa promessa em termos de urbanismo, são cidades tecnológicas ao estilo dos desenhos "Os Jetson", o carro falando com o motorista, onde ele parece ser o melhor amigo das pessoas, resolve os problemas cotidianos , passeia por prédios de vidros espelhados e ruas vazias... Não estamos em busca apenas de mais segurança, tecnologia ou maior eficiência energética. A indústria precisará reconhecer que a função do carro não é apenas transportar pessoas de forma mais eficiente e ambientalvelmente sustentável, mas de trazer respostas para o acúmulo de carros nas ruas que dificulta a sua própria circulação, reduzindo a capacidade de desenvolvimento das cidades e limitando a qualidade de vida, ninguém quer limitar a venda de automóveis, mas isso significará que nem todas as pessoas serão proprietárias de automóveis no futuro e nem todas as pessoas poderão andar ao mesmo tempo com seus automóveis. O setor precisa entender a responsabilidade inserir o transporte individual como uma das soluções para a criação de uma rede de sistemas de transportes da cidade. Estão perdendo tempo e recursos pensando em cidades imaginárias que não serão reais .É preciso repensar o modelo atual de transportes individuais.

Como tem sido a internalização da dimensão climática nos programas de politicas publicas e iniciativas privadas no Brasil no âmbito da mobilidade urbana? Quais são as principais diferenças com outros países, por exemplo Alemanha e Holanda?

Falta estímulos para o desenvolvimento de Startups voltadas para o setor de "Serviços de Mobilidade", onde o Brasil poderia ser líder nesse segmento devido sua posição inferior no Ranking de países com altas taxas de motorização. Para isso seria necessário estimular o desenvolvimento de novas tecnologias que permitissem ter uma leitura mais eficiente dos sistemas de transportes públicos e a criação de novos sistemas voltados para nossa realidade.